- THE IMPACT OF PERFORMANCE EVALUATION THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF FINANCIAL STATEMENT ON INVESTMENT DECISIONS (A CASE STUDY OF LOGMAN NIGERIA PLC.)
- EFFECTS OF PERFORMANCE EVALUATION THROUGH THE ANALYSIS OF FINANCIAL STATEMENT ON INVESTMENT DECISIONS (A CASE STUDY OF LOGMAN NIGERIA PLC.)
- NIGERIA AND INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY: AN ANALYSIS OF NIGERIA'S ROLE IN THE LIBERIA CRISIS. (1989 - 2006)
- HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF AFRICA AND THE SEARCH FOR POLITICAL ERA
- HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF CIVIL –MILITARY REGIME IN A FEDERAL STATE: (A CASE STUDY OF BABANGIDA YAR’ADUA ADMINISTRATION)
- THE HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN THE NIGERIA POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
- ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE DETERMINANTS OF EXCHANGE RATE IN NIGERIA
- PRICE, EXCHANGE RATE VOLATILITY AND NIGERIA AGRICULTURAL TRADE FLOWS- A DYNAMIC ANALYSIS
- THE HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF AFRICA AND THE SEARCH FOR POLITICAL ERA
- ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF VALUE ADDED TAX (VAT) ON NIGERIA ECONOMY. (A STUDY OF FEDERAL INLAND REVENUE SERVICE)
AN ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL TRANSITION IN NIGERIA (A CASE STUDY OF BABAGINDA’S REGIME 1985-1993)
The work critically examines Babanginda's transition programme and also analyses, the full time table which culminated in the June 12 Presidential election. The transition of Babangida though the longest in
In conclusion, the work highlighted the fact that military transition programme in
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Cover Page i
Table of Contents vi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study 1
1.2 Statement of Problem 6
1.3 Justification of Study 9
1.4 Research Objectives 10
1.5 Methodology 11
1.6 Research Scope 12
1.7 Expected Result 13
1.8 Hypotheses 14
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
General Babangida's Rise to Power 21
Transition - Time – Table 25
CHAPTER THREE: THE MILITARY AND TRANSITION PROGRAMME; 1985-1993
3.1 The Political Transition Programme, 1987 - 1992 under the
Babangida Regime 42
3.2 Trends and Problems of Transition Programme In
3.3 Babangida's Philosophy: Political-Economy 53
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The military's first incursion into politics was on January 15, 1966, when a group of young officers - six majors and a captain decided to rid the country of "the political profiteers, swindlers, the men in the high and low places who sought bribes, and demanded ten percent. The January boys, as they came to be known, had little idea what they wanted in practical terms apart from an end to the old order and after three days the last of them, Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu, surrendered to major General Aguiyi Ironsi Ironsi, later headed the new federal military Government. He promptly suspend the federal and regional parliaments and promise a new popular constitution preparatory to the soldiers returning to the barracks. Ironsi survived only seven months in office before he was overthrown in a counter -coup by northern soldiers on July 28, 1966, the result of lingering ethnic and religious tension created in the aftermath of the first coup.
The anti-Igbo riots in the north, lasted from June, 1967 to January, 1970, obviously helped to entrench military rule, not least by allowing the institution to promote itself as the saviour of the country. General Murtala Muhammed and his deputy General Olusegun Obasanjo came into power in 1976. Obasanjo came into power in 1976. Obasanjo handed over to an elected civilian administration-of Alhaji Shehu Shagari, a Northerner, as President of the
The Second Republic did not last for long before it was overthrown by another Military regime of Major General Tunde Idiagbon (often referred to as the Buhari/ldiagbon regime), which overthrew Shagari's shaky government on New Year's Eve, 1987. The regime which was impervious to all reasons, was overthrown by General Ibrahim Babangida in August, 1985.
However, by mid-90s,
Ineffective leadership, frequent change of government, misrule were also translated into poorly managed economics and consequent over-arching debt burden leading to general impoverishment of Africans. Onimode, (1988) highlighting the extent of social and political failure in
· Africa's lagging status relative to other ex-colonial regions of South East Asia and
· The deepening socio-political crisis.
· The dashed hopes and legitimate expectations of-African majority since nominal independence.
· The abysmal gap between socio-political performance and what is feasible in terms of the rich material, human and cultural potentialities.
Onimode, goes further to say, that these are essentially welfare, policy institutional and structural failure of the superstructure. In other words, the origin of the African crisis is traceable to political failure. This is in perfect agreement with the views of Claude Ake.
We are never going to understand the current crisis in
The African crisis, though manifested in all facets of the life of the African, its origin was never difficult to locate as the two eminent professors quoted have shown. The superstructure has proved itself incompetent on the basis of which crisis have been precipitated. But the superstructure in
In fact, in many parts of the world mere mention of the name “Nigeria” has been associated with all that is criminal, corrupt and unacceptable. Moreso, the situation of
The African masses rose up against their hegemonic rulers and demanded democratization of their political process. Meanwhile, the Western aid donors to
Consequently, Benin Republic led the way in the democratization process in 1990 followed by Zambia in 1992, Ghana in 1993, etc. while other African countries were seriously transcending successfully to democratic rule, Nigeria which introduced an elaborate transition to civil rule programme as far back as 1987, is still attached to military rule; more than ten years after.
One of the implications of this overstretched transition to civil rule in
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
The post independent Africa was bequeathed with a leadership that was probably unaware of the enormity of the problems, it was being saddled with directing the political emancipation and managing the social economic development of the ex-colonial peoples, who looked forward to independence with great expectations for the enhancement of their welfare conditions, must have seemed a mere task to the American elite who inherited political power on the exit of the colonizers.
Although the African leaders inherited a fledging democracy anchored on multiparty attendant opposition, became unacceptable to most of these leaders. Thus, many African independent leaders concentrated all powers in their own hands in their separate countries.
The leaders soon lost track of reasons and became oppressive and so set in mismanagement and bad government with `very bad or poor human right records.
Somehow, the army seized power to remove the dictators or to arrest the problems of mismanagement in the economic but they too soon became autocratic. In all cases, the masses or the people were at the receiving end with all the expected benefits that were said to follow political kingdom, notforthcoming, the people found themselves increasingly relapsing to abject poverty and squalor, ignorance and diseases.
Whereas the masses out bare existence, their leaders had perfected strategies to perpetuate themselves in office and use the states resources for private ends for more than a decade, some of them held tight to power tolerating no opposition of any kind as in Zaire under Mobutu, Togo under Eyadema and so on and until the pro-democracy agitation exploded ignited by frustration. Where some of them gave up to democratic alternative, others were adamant in resistance and had used the military to manipulate the pro- democracy and had consolidated their position as it happened in
Thus the following questions are raised regarding the consequences of protecting hegemonic rules and democratization of African countries with a focus on the
· Transition to civil rule programme in
· What were other societal problems to democracy in
· How can democracy be institutionalized in
· Does Military rule constitute impediment or serve as agent of democratization in
· How can political authoritarianism in
· With the way General Babangida's transition programme ended, it could be argued that they never truly wanted to relinquish power to a civilian government. The same attitude is rampant among autocratic and international pressures in favour of democracy. Is the Military genuinely interested in democratization in
1.3 JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY
These basic social failures are all the more culpable, says Onimode, because they reflect the wide gap between performance and potentials in
While South East Asian countries (Indonesia, Philippines etc) that have broken even in socio-economic development were said to have done so under autocratic regimes,
This research has tried to show how hegemonic rules have been responsible for the backwardness in African development, using the Nigeria Military autocracy and its transition to civil rule programme from 1985 - 1993.
1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The objective of this research is to bring to the fore, how the Nigerian Political class, through military regimes, one party regimes and sit-tight president for life, have politically underdeveloped
It is firmly believed that only through democratizing
The methodology adopted in this research is mainly the library research and seminars attended. It is culled from primary and secondary sources. The Secondary resource includes News papers, magazines, monographs, text materials from the library while the primary include seminars attended, interviews conducted and opinions of scholars. The research material is qualitative because present data are used for the analysis.
· Careful study of available official publications on the transition to civil rule programme of General Babangida, from August 1993 by means of documentation at primary source.
· The currency of the subject matter compelled commensurate reliance on relevant opinions and discussions expressed by the Nigerian, in Newspapers, magazines and journals concerning democratization and transition to civil rule in
1.6 RESEARCH SCOPE
The scope will try to explain the transition to civil rule programme of General Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993), in
· It was the longest initiated by open popular demand or agitation for democracy but rather, by the military regime. This perhaps accounts for the overbearing predominance of the military government all through the botched transition programme.
· The Nigerian transition commenced well ahead of popular agitation for democratization in other African countries. Whereas the Nigerian transition took off actually in 1987, the Bennois uprising that sparked off pro-democracy agitation in other parts of
· It was the longest of the transition (8 years) and yet ended tragically.
In addition to the above stated fact, the Nigerian transition programme, under study attracted worldwide attention and interest. Now, purely on the academic side, the study enterprise is crucial to comparative studies which enhance the construction of theory in political science.
The scope is limited to the 8 years period of General Babangida's regime (1985-1993).
1.7 EXPECTED RESULT
The goal of this research project has been to prove some points as follows:
· By maintaining their hegemonic rule, this tiny minority of the political class exclude popular participation of the people in the affairs of their countries through the denial of both positive and negative freedoms.
· This class of people even though hijacked the machinery of government of government lacks rationality to rule.
· By autocratic rule and exploitation, they stunt development of their societies in all respects and create unconducive environment for democratic culture.
· For sustained political and social economic development to be positive in
It is also the goal of this research to contribute to the existing knowledge on the travail of democracy in
Hypotheses are tentative statement or propositions made between two variables which has empirical basis. This study has been propelled by a central hypothesis stated as follows:
1. The more the prevalence democracy, the lower the incursion of military rule into
2. The higher the spate of military rule, the lower the level of fundamental human rights.
3. The more the existence of military regime, the higher the prevalence of violence and injustice.