THE PROBLEM OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS AND THE NIGERIAN STATE: (A CASE STUDY OF THE NORTH - SOUTH RELATIONSHIP)


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THE PROBLEM OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS AND THE NIGERIAN STATE:

(A CASE STUDY OF THE NORTH - SOUTH RELATIONSHIP)

 

 

 

 

 

 

1.1     BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

1.2      STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

1.3     OBJECTIVE OF STUDY

1.4     SIGNIFICANT OF THE STUDY

1.5      RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

1.6      SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF STUDY

1.7     DEFINITION OF TERMS

REFERENCES

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

 

2.0     RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN NIGERIA

2.1     GENERAL OVERVIEW OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN THE WORLD

2.2     INSTANCES OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN SELECTED AFRICAN STATES (EGYPT, ALGERIA, SUDAN)

2.3     NIGERIA AND RELIGIOUS CRISIS: AN OVERVIEW OF BAUCHI RELIGIOUS CRISIS AND OTHERS

REFERENCES

CHAPTER THREE

 

3.1     PROBLEM ASOCIATED TO RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN BAUCHI STATE

3.2     THE GENERAL ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN NIGERIA

3.3     THE SALIENT ISSUES AFFECTING INTER RELIGIOUS COOPERATION IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER FOUR

 

4.1     THE ANALYSIS OF THE GENERAL IMPLICATION OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN BAUCHI

4.2     THE GENERAL IMPLICATION OF RELIGIOUS CRISES IN NIGERIA

4.3     THE APPRAISAL OF RELIGIOUS CRISIS AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

REFERENCES

CHAPTER FIVE

                                   CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

 

5.1     FINDINGS

5.2     SUMMARY

5.3     CONCLUSION

5.4     RECOMMENDATION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

 

1.1     BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Religious fundamentalism among Christians and Muslims noticeably emerged in Nigeria in the mid 1960s to 1070s.  Among Christians, it was largely represented by the Charismatic Renewal Movement and was sustained primarily by educated middle class students and graduates.

Among Muslims, the Izala sect established and led by Sheik Abubakar Gumi, a radical cleric trained in Egypt and Saudi Arabia claimed to be promoting purer farm of Islam among the Youth.

A related group was the Muslim students society, which was very strong among students in tertiary institutions.  The Islamic Renewal agenda soon turned into anti Christian propaganda in response to perceive advances of Christianity into many areas of the North, as well as to Muslim perceptions that Christians had been advantaged within independent Nigeria as a result of the colonial legacy.

Consequently, the takeover of elementary and secondary schools by the Federal Military Government in 1975 was partly an attempt to reduce the influence of Christian churches that had largely controlled Western education in the country since 1854. 

A new Islamic fundamentalism was fueled partly by the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 and task on an anti West  ethos.  The Maitatsine Islamic sect capitalized on this in December, 1980 to spark a religious riot in Kano. By  1980, Alhaji Muhammadu Marwa (Popular known as Maitatsine) had gathered a sizeable following based on a something unorthodox Islam that, among other the condemned as un-islamic such things riding of bicycles or motorcycles or possessing large quantities of cash.  Members of the sect also refused to pray in the same mosque with Muslims from outside their group used provocative language in their public preaching and, in some cases, attacked those perceived as police informants  attempts by the police to arrest certain Maitatsine members in Kano in December 1980 led infact, to attacks on the police.

Eventually, the military was brought in enclave of the sect was overrun, and hundreds of sect members were killed.  Although the maitatsine case represented intra Muslim religious violence against Western values.  It set the pattern for the other religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria.  The same sect struck in other cities such as Maiduguri in October, 1982, in Yola in February, 1984 and in Gombe in 1985.  Maitatsine uprisings significantly reinforced the use f violence as powerful too of religious conflict.

Nigeria’s first direct Muslim Christian conflict was in October 1982, when the Muslim students society protested against an Anglican Church in Kano city that was locating too close to a mosque. Although the Anglican church was protected by the police, other Christian churches were destroyed and about 44 people were killed.

Another major violent conflict between Christians and Muslims occurred in Kaduna state in Match 1987, when a disagreement between Muslim and Christian students in a College of Education in the semi-urban town of Kafachan snowballed into a crisis that engulfed much of Northern Nigeria.

Initially, Muslim students attacked in Christian counterparts in an attempt stop a convert from Islam, a preacher at an open air evangelistic meeting from quoting from the Qur’an.  The conflict spilled into the town where the majority of Christian population rose in defence of the Christian students.  The situation deteriorated as indigenous Christians in the area vocalized members of British subjugation of Christian populations in the North during colonialism.  News reported of the conflict reached the state capital, Kaduna, and other cities mobilized Muslims for reprisal attacks against Christians, against their properties and against their churches.

Over a hundred churches and five Mosques were destroyed, hundreds of people were killed, and there was a significant social disruption in Kafachan and other cities.  Although the government intervened and forcefully quelled. The conflict, substantial damage had already been done. 

Similarly, in the third week of October 1991, Muslims resorted to violence looting, property destruction (including the burning churches and Christian businesses) and killing in an attempt to prevent a German Christian evangelist Reinhard Bornnke, from holding an open air evangelistic  programme in the city of Kano.

In this particular riot, Christians, for the first time mainted a response Igbo Christians, mostly from South-Eastern Nigeria, counter attached rioters and other Muslims in an attempt to defend their businesses.

The events that led to this coup and the subsequent civil war have been well documented.  Though the role and place of both ethnicity and regionalism have been highlighted.

Alhaji Isa Kaita for example argued that by 1965, it was clear to the Southern politicians that there was no way that they could achieve political power by the ballot box, hence they sought to achieve their ambitions through the bullet.

The coup was meant to offer a military solution to their political ambitions.  This claim can easily be dismissed mainly because it was clear that at the time of the coup, all the major military installations in the country were located in the North.

However, the immediate concern to us is the question of how the Northern ruling class interpreted the Saudauna’s death.  There was a curious similarity between the reaction of the masses of the caliphate to the British military intervention led by Lugard in 1903 and the one led by Majar Kaduna Nzeogwu on January 15th 1966. Both events are similar in the sense that they were seen as having halted the spread of Islam.  In the case of the Muslims of Northern Nigeria, the conversion campaigns of the Sardauna of Sokoto and his contributions to Islam would have cast him in the mould he sought for himself as the defender of Islam.

Lugard had reported that after the conquest of Sokoto, “the mass of the people remained quietly in their towns.  They were unopposed, the people looking the strange way as if the matter did not immediately concern them the great market was in full swing again as thought nothing had happened.

In the case of 1966, a day after the coup, the Daily Times reported that “life has returned to normal in Kaduna. Alhaji M. D. Yusuf, the Acting Regional commissioner of police said when he went to the Sar’dauna’s house the following day, the place had been looted.

In Kano, there were celebrations, mainly coordinated by members of the Kano people’s party and the local Tijaniyya Mallams.  In Sokoto, planned protests against the death of Sardauna were halted by the Sultan himself.  In Tivland, Southern Zario and many other parts of the North, there were celebrations.  Some of those whom the Sardauna had converted to Islam resorted to buried the paraphernalia of their conversions.

Whereas it may be tempting to dismiss.  Some of these reactions as the feelings of triumph by Non-Muslims or other Nigerians who had been victims of the NPC’s repressions.  It is more difficult to explain the reactions of those who were direct beneficiaries of the Sardauna’s patronage and members of his own ruling class in Northern Nigeria.  How did Sokoto react to the burial of the Sardauna?  Having do so much for Islam and on behalf of his ancestors, Sardauna had obviously pleaded to be buried beside these saint ancestors.  When Alhaji Gummi requested for permission from Majar Nzeogwu simply said, “I have finished with him”.

 

1.2      STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

The saying that whatever have a beginning must have an end seems not to be not to be applicable in Nigeria context.

Religious crisis, which has been decimating the country’s productive population and destruction of properties wherever it occurs is become unbearable to most Nigerians and government.

The Religious crisis in Nigeria has claimed thousand of innocent soul and worth of million of properties were destroyed. It is obvious that during the religious crisis, in Nigeria, the innocent citizen always affected.  One cannot quickly forget the Jos crisis, where women and children were slaughter.

The international organization and some concerned Nigerians kicked against carnage that rocked the city of Jos due to the religious differences among the Hausas and Fulani people.

It is important to note that impact on our daily activities.  Nigeria government only recognize two religious namely Christian and Islam religion.   It is unfortunate today that despite the country role in Africa, Nigeria is yet to witness religious tolerance in the recent past. Due to the religious crisis, Nigeria has become a place where lives and security are not guarantee.  The problem will continue to persist unless the government put machinery in motion to avert the crisis in the future.

Another problem that may arise during the religious crisis is that there will be a outbreak of diseases and famine.  It affect the foreign investors or tourist to invest in that particular trouble spot.

Aside this, the religious crisis create animosity between the Christian and Muslim faiths.  It will also give room for vandalization and destruction of properties.

On the religious crisis in Bauchi state, the victims are yet to be compensated.  Most of the affected people are still struggling to recover what they have lost during the religious crisis in the state.

Despite the persistent religious crisis in Nigeria, the government has not find lasting solution to the problem is it possible that there may be another religious crisis in future, what is the step government should take to avert the religious crisis in Nigeria.

The so-called “Boko Haram, what can that concerned authorities to do curb theme from these dastardly act.  Has the government done enough to curb religious violence in Nigeria.  These are many more one may look at in course  of the work.

 

1.3     OBJECTIVE OF STUDY

The following are the relevant objectives.

1.    To investigate the root causes of the Bauchi religious crisis.

2.    To explain the role of security agent and the lapses inherent in the consist occurrence of the crisis.

3.    To examine the place of mutual existence of the religion group Christian and Muslim to the context of persistent religious crisis.

4.    To evaluate the effect of persistent religious crisis in the country and how it may negate corporate existence of the country.

 

1.4     SIGNIFICANT OF THE STUDY

The work is aimed to find a lasting solution to the incessant religious violence in Bauchi state.  Apart from this, the writer wants to find out the role Boko Haram (a group of Muslim sect) played in the religious violence in Bauchi state under the period of review in the state.

Thirdly, the work is basically look at how many people lost their lives during the religious crisis between 2000 – 2009.

Also, to enable the government to avoid future occurrence.  The work will help the religious leaders, international organization and concerned authorities to put necessary machinery in place and let the people realize the importance at religious tolerance in a country.

 

1.5      RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The study will adopt both primary and secondary sources. The primary data would be based on oral-face-face interview of some key informants of researcher, lecturers, writers and political analyst on the Nigerian politics and government. The research data collection considering the fact that the research is concerned with the historical evaluation of leadership problem in Nigeria will explore all the sources for materials that will help to form good value judgment.

Premised on this, a great deal of secondary materials like textbooks, magazine and journal will serve as the main source of data collection. The study will equally employ the use of internet and web browsing to augment the sourced materials.

In view of this, the work will utilize both analytical and historical approach in evaluating the discourse. The study would also be descriptive in its analysis to arrive at its aim/objective.

 

1.6      SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF STUDY

The scope of this research shall be restricted to Nigeria religious crisis problem, which expand from 2000 – 2009. Although, the study may not be completely in detail of the nitty-gritty of the issue on discourse, but the cogent, necessary and salient points would be explained.

However, the study is bedevilled by several limitations which are inevitable. This  include the problem of getting the required and relevant text from the library; logistic problem of transporting one from place to place. The researcher not allowed or attended to by library attendants also form a limitation to the study. Financial constraints is one of the factor forming a limitation to this study. However, despite all the noted limitation the work was able to meet the required goal of the study.

 

1.7     DEFINITION OF TERMS

Boko Haram: is a group of Muslim people (sect) who actually against the Christianity and oppose to the Western idea, culture and religion.

Religious Crisis: It is a situation whereby the Muslim and Christian engage in physical battle over ideas which resulted to the dead of innocent citizen and led to the destroy of properties.

Clergy: Person ordained for religious duties.

Christianity: Religion based on the teachings of Christ.

Muslim:Believing in Muhammad’s teaching

Imam:Muslim spiritual leader

Innocent:Not guilty, free of evil

Miscreant: Wrongdoer or those who contributed nothing to the development of society or community.

 

REFERENCES

Ibrahim Sulaiman: The Islamic state and the challenge of History (London Mansel, 1987).

R. A. Adeleye: Power & Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804 – 1906 (London: Longman, 1971).

Bala Usman (ed): Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate (New  York: Third Press International, 1979).

Bala Usman (ed): The overthrown at Sarauta System (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1982).

Mathew Hassan Kukafi:  Religious culture and the Polities of Development)Republic Report New York:         27, Jan., 2011

Daily champions: Written by Cosmas Ckpunobi and Tony Ailemen, Abuja. Nigeria News Published by Faseso on April 30, 2011.

Crisis in Sudan: Written by Robert Farrell, November 10, 2004. Africa Quarter Magazine: 2011 Egypt. Algeria Review Magazine, 7th January, 2011

An Overview of Religious conflict: The Urantia Book fellowship Times International, 19th March, 1984.

Kaduna Religious Riot 1987, Newswatdi 30, March 1987.

Mathew Hassan Kukati, Democracy 8, Civil Society in Nigeria.

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